OLD BOMBS GOOD, NEW BOMBS BAD
John O’Dowd is a big guy – in fact he is known around Stormont as the Jolly Green Giant – but somehow he seems to shrink when Dolores Kelly gets to her feet in the Assembly. Sinn Fein were less than comfortable on Monday debating a UU motion on dissident violence (which we sought to amend to include loyalist violence) because there are always too many dodgy parallels with the past on the lines of ‘old bombs good, new bombs bad’. Dolores didn’t miss and hit the wall:
“I repeat to the so-called dissident republicans what John Hume once said to the Provisionals: ‘You are not Irish republicans, you are extremists who have dishonoured and are dishonouring the deepest ideals of the Irish people. Can we remind you yet again that those whose inheritance you so falsely claim, laid down their arms in 1916 lest they cause any undue suffering to their Irish people’.”
O’Dowd cringed again when Dolores pointed out:
“The dissidents think that they have spotted an opportunity this summer, with Sinn Féin blocking the working of the Executive and the DUP blocking the devolution of policing and justice. Selfish party brinkmanship and standoffs suit the dissidents down to the ground because they create the sort of vacuum in which dissidents activate the kiddie rioting techniques that they learned as Provos. Early devolution of policing and justice would put a stop to the dissidents’ gallop. When they have to face a policing and a criminal justice system that is fully under local democratic control, they will be completely exposed.”
In case anyone on the other benches had missed the point, Declan O’Loan soon had them squirming again:
“Earlier today, I heard Conor Murphy condemn the 100 lb bomb at Jonesborough, using exactly the same words that the SDLP used in relation to the IRA. I mention that because more needs to be heard from Sinn Féin to demonstrate that it has fully repudiated the ideology of violence.”
O’Dowd, who is also affectionately called Motor Mouth, is prepared to ‘give way’ to unionist interventions when he is speaking, but never to the SDLP. Funny that.
THE SUMMER OF OUR DISCONTENT
The Executive last met on 18th June and as we went to press it looked unlikely that the meeting finally scheduled for 18th September would go ahead. In July and August we sought a recall but got no backing. But on Tuesday we got an opportunity to put our recall motion:
That this Assembly notes with concern that the Executive has not met since June and notes the backlog of papers requiring due consideration by the Executive on important issues such as post-primary education, the Maze and PPS14; calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to ensure that the Executive meets to address important papers being brought forward by Ministers, to consider the regional impact of the economic downturn and measures which might mitigate its impact on households, businesses, employment and the regional economy including expediting the start dates for major public works agreed in the Investment Strategy, rejecting water charges and prioritising interventions against rising fuel poverty; calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to table a paper on the devolution of policing and justice matters for consideration by the Executive; and reaffirms the recommendations of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee’s Report on the Inquiry into the devolution of policing and justice matters which highlighted issues which needed to be considered, examined or discussed by the Assembly and/or discussed by the political parties before the devolution of policing and justice.
The Assembly Business Committee had set aside 90 minutes for the debate. As proposer Mark Durkan got 10 minutes; Patsy McGlone had 10 minutes to do the closing speech which is usually called ‘the wind; and all other speakers have five minutes each. While our members try to intervene against speakers from other parties to make their point (and cut the other side’s time!), we also intervene against our own speakers to help make a point.
First the good news – we got overwhelming, across-the-board support for our motion. The bad news is that the people responsible for blocking the Executive all summer didn’t turn up. Mark Durkan set out the problem:
“This has been a summer of serious crisis, challenge and worry for many people. Uncertainty is gripping people at all levels: children in primary 6 and their parents about the procedures to be faced when trying to find secondary schools; and people working in public services… There is uncertainty for people in the community and the voluntary sector … there is uncertainty for the private sector, as firms try to cope with the implications of the downturn in world markets and the loss of customer spending power in the home market. On top of all that, political uncertainty has been foisted on the region. There was the uncertainty of the Executive being unable to meet, and the uncertainty of a senior leader of one of the parties in the Executive talking about withdrawing Ministers and threatening the collapse of the institutions. Another party prominent in the Administration threatened serious consequences, were that to happen. During that time, the Executive did not meet to deal with the issues that worry people.
Dominic Bradley intervened to highlight the education problem:
“Does the Member agree that the stasis currently at the heart of Government has led not only to uncertainty in education, but to consternation in the whole education community, particularly among parents and teachers? Parents are asking questions about the future arrangements for transfer which teachers cannot answer, as they have been given no clear direction by the Minister or her Department. Does the Member agree that it is now far beyond the time for clarity for the sake of our children, their parents and teachers?”
Yes, Mark definitely did agree. And he pointed the historic irony of Gerry Adams’s position:
“…if the Executive do not meet this week, it will lead to a further locking of business as regards the North/South Ministerial Council. Sinn Féin’s tactics will — bizarrely — leave it in Trimble country, whereby its tactics against another party in the Executive, in effect, end up by grounding the business of the North/South Ministerial Council. That would be some achievement and victory for its tactics.”
The UU’s Danny Kennedy clearly reads our press releases carefully.
“Ordinary people, families and businesses are facing a difficult economic outlook, and what are the DUP and Sinn Féin doing? Like Nero, they are fiddling while Rome burns.”
Nice line – we first used it in July. But we’ll let that one go, as we purloined the next headline from an interview with Sir Reg Empey.
EXECUTIVE GERRYMANDER
Mark Durkan intervened during a speech by Raymond McCartney of Sinn Fein to ask:
“The Member has just said that Sinn Féin will not allow anyone’s mandate to be ignored. However, it is clear that Sinn Féin has agreed with the DUP that a Minister for justice will not —at this or any other time — be appointed through d’Hondt, which is the mandate-based system of inclusion at the heart of the agreement, but by cross-community support. At present, that is a veto on the SDLP; it will be a veto on Sinn Féin in the future.”
We will not bore you with the reply, which was no answer. Sinn Fein has a real difficulty with this ‘no nationalist need apply’ deal. Alban Maginness was to return to the theme in a later intervention against Patsy McGlone:
“Does the Member agree that Sinn Féin, through its agreement with the DUP during the summer, is attempting to gerrymander the system of appointing Ministers in order to exclude the SDLP from a justice Department?”
Oh yes, the member did agree.
GONE FISHING
Alasdair McDonnell got stuck in again on the issue of the missing Executive meetings:
“The summer was one of lost opportunities. We had three months to get ready for the difficult times ahead, but that time was wasted by those who put their selfish needs first. They cannot plead ignorance, because apart from the floods in August, the other problems that befell us were predictable when recess began in early July. Indeed, the problems were obvious when the Executive met in June. However, for three months, the ship of the state has drifted towards the rocks while the bridge was deserted. No one was in charge, and it would appear that on the doors of Stormont castle a sign read “Gone fishing”; some had gone to Donegal, others to Florida.”
The real fun and games came towards the end of the debate. Sinn Fein has enjoyed more than a week of sniping at us based on very deliberate lies about our attitude to power-sharing, but Dolores Kelly, no doubt frustrated by John O’Dowd’s blanket refusal to accept interventions, gave it to them straight.
“For the record, the SDLP, as a party of non-violence and social justice that was born out of the civil rights movement — and whose leaders John Hume, Seamus Mallon and Mark Durkan were the architects of power sharing, inclusivity, partnership and equality and ensured that those principles were enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement — will not take lectures today, or any other day, from Sinn Féin on any of those matters.”
And for good measure she pointed out some good reasons why Sinn Fein could take lessons from the SDLP.
“The reason for today’s political instability is Sinn Féin’s poor negotiation at St Andrews, where it gave the triple-lock veto [over justice and policing] to the DUP, something about which Mark Durkan had warned it. Did Sinn Féin listen? No. Sinn Féin did not listen, and it is not listening to the people about the real problems that they face. Yet Sinn Féin listens to the DUP, and tells members of that party that it will be all right on the day, but it is not.”
She was only getting into her stride. The two parties controlling the Executive are treating the Assembly to which they are supposed to be accountable with utter contempt:
“In the middle of this great crisis, the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment took time off to pursue a career in local government for a job from which she resigned only a few months ago, and the Minister for Regional Development will put a tin hat on poverty with a water tax unless the Brits bail him out again for another little while. The Finance Minister OK’d flood relief grants in a midnight phone call, and the Environment Minister believes that global warming is caused by bovine flatulence. The Executive are not on top of all the problems that we face. How could they be, when they have not functioned for three months? The First Minister’s office does not provide real leadership. There are two Ministers and two junior Ministers, but where are they now? They have treated the House with contempt, and, each week, they treat the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister with contempt.”
GERRY MUGABE
In the closing speech, the seconder of the motion is meant to sum up all the contributions but in Patsy McGlone’s hands it was more wind-up than wind.
“Before the Assembly went into recess, the SDLP called on the Executive to examine energy policy and to urge the British Government to impose a windfall tax and use the proceeds of that to mitigate fuel poverty. Given the urgency and the fundamental nature of the challenges that we faced, Members had the right to assume that business would be done during the summer and that no petty procedural wrangles should stand in the way.
Sadly, that did not happen. For reasons that were highlighted in the Chamber yesterday, there were no meetings. When it became clear that the Executive would not meet in July, the SDLP called for the Assembly to reconvene. Although some parties think that it should be the other way round — indeed, some think that it is the other way round — the Executive are answerable to the Assembly. Members should note the absence in the Chamber of Ministers from the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to respond to the debate.”
Patsy got the second biggest laugh of the day with his response to Alban Maginness’s intervention on gerrymandering of the Justice Minister post. Earlier in the debate, when the Justice Ministry came up, Sinn Fein’s Raymond McCartney had said the Good Friday Agreement was 10 years aold and it was time to move on. Patsy said:
“Mr McCartney let the DUP cat out of the bag today. [Laughter.] Courtesy of provisional Sinn Féin, no nationalist need apply — nice one.”
But the climax came at the very end as Patsy asked members to consider the implications of Sinn Fein closing down Executive business for three months:
“It is way beyond a joke. I cannot think of an example of another Cabinet or executive body in the democratic world that could simply shut up shop for one quarter of a year at the whim of a single party leader. Having said that, perhaps something similar happened this summer in Zimbabwe, where an ageing, autocratic, long-winded guerrilla leader — who has genuine difficulty in making the transition from paramilitary command to democratic politics — prefers to hang out with his war veterans, rather than debate with political opponents.
Some Members: Gerry Adams.
Mr McGlone: But of course Gerry Mugabe — sorry; Robert Mugabe — is a very different case.